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Considers some external aspects influencing the dynamics of firms’ knowledge base. Argues that the successful management of the knowledge base in a fast changing innovative environment is closely related to three kinds of knowledge acquisition channels, these are: the recruitment of people; the external informal networks of employees; and formal cooperation of the firm with other institutional agents. Focusing on firms’ interaction with research institutions, suggests a typology of scientific knowledge which allows us to analyse how different types of knowledge are associated with different knowledge acquisition channels. Because of the close interlinkages among the channels, knowledge (unlike information) is not freely floating in the system. Rather, its effective transfer and commercial exploitation is contingent on the mobility of people, as well as the extent to which they draw on their informal networks. Spells out some of the implications for recruitment policy and firm location.

This chapter explores a number of relatively unknown aspects of the controversy over Milton Friedman’s March 1975 visit to Chile through the analytical framework provided by James M. Buchanan’s late 1950s assessment of the economist-physician analogy. The chapter draws upon a range of archival and neglected primary sources to show that the topics which generally rear their head in any contemporary discussion of Friedman’s visit to Chile – for example, whether it is appropriate to provide policy advice to a dictator – were aired in a largely private mid-1970s exchange between Friedman and a number of professional associates. In particular, the controversy over Friedman and Chile began several months before Friedman arrived in Santiago.

Through an analysis of the leaders of the 1960s Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) this paper highlights the importance of individual identity work, and argues for an expanded theoretical treatment of social movement identity processes that takes account of partial identity correspondence (a partial alignment between an individual identity and the movement identity) to include degrees of identity congruence. Actors can embrace a movement, but remain in a state of conflict regarding some dimensions of its identity. Extending James Jasper's ((1997). The art of moral protest: Culture, biography, and creativity in social movements. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press) identity classifications, the data suggest that participants engage in identity justification work when incongruence among personal identity (biographical), collective identity (ascribed, i.e. race, gender), and movement identities exist. This work may not reflect the organization's efforts to frame or reframe the movement identity. This study finds that individuals manage incongruence with organizational and tactical movement identities by employing three identity justification mechanisms: (1) personal identity modification of the movement's identity; (2) individual amplification of the common cause dimension of collective identity; and (3) individual amplification of the activist identity through pragmatic politics. Rather than dismantling the past, as Snow and McAdam ((2000). In: S. Stryker, T. J. Owens, & R. W. White (Eds), Self, identity, and social movements (pp. 41–67). Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press) propose, actors incorporate their biographies as a mechanism to achieve feelings of community and belonging. It is not so much an alignment with the organization's proffered movement identity as it is a reordering of the saliency hierarchy of their identities. Unlike Snow and McAdam's conceptualization of identity amplification, the reordering of an identity hierarchy and the amplification of certain identities is precipitated by the actor's, not the organization's, efforts to align her/his personal identity, collective identity, and movement identities.

Nearly thirty years after Congress passed the Equal Pay Act, job and salary discrimination against women continues to flourish (Nelson‐Horchler, 1991). This is surprising since women are not only a slight majority in the overall population, but also comprise over one‐half of the work force (Job promotions, 1987). Statistics show that women comprise a majority of college students, 69% of white collar workers, 7% of the miners, 6% of the Secret Service, and .5% of the fire‐fighters (Job promotions, 1987). Additionally, within the last ten years, the numbers of self‐employed women have increased 75% in comparison to men's 12% increase (Job promotions, 1987).

A legendary and very successful Madison Avenue adman, David Ogilvy, was once quoted as saying, “The consumer is not a moron, she is your wife” (Landler, 1992). This type of statement was commonplace twenty to thirty years ago and summed up the sentiments of what was believed by many to be women's contribution to society ‐ going shopping for the family. While this statement may have had some truth to it decades ago, the perception as to where women stand in our society have evolved immensely. Today, women are not only the consumers to which marketing is directed, they are the ones implementing the marketing and running the companies. One example of this evolution of women's role in the work place is that of Jill Barad. She climbed through the ranks of Mattel Inc., headed the very successful Barbie division, and later became president of Mattel in 1990 (Schine, 1992). Another success story worth mentioning is that of Joan Lappin who is president of Gramercy Capital Management Corporation. Lappin fought her way through the male‐dominated investment world of Wall Street to become one of the most respected money makers in the industry (Marcial, 1992). While these two success stories, along with countless numbers of similar stories, are encouraging for women, still, they do not represent the norm with regard to women's ability to climb up the corporate ladder. Biases, prejudices, and downright discrimination have created what some have termed a “glass ceiling”. Therefore, we need to ask whether or not women have the same opportunities as men in rising through the ranks with respect to both promotions and pay, or whether their efforts are being thwarted by this so‐called glass ceiling?

British Airways used to describe itself as the world’s favorite airline. This was a simple and effective slogan, not least because it was picked up occasionally by journalists who would use it in stories without adding the words “self‐styled”. The phrase did, nevertheless, have an appropriate ring about it during the 1990s when BA’s star was in the ascendant. Now, like many national carriers, BA faces huge difficulties caused by factors such as an uncertain economic climate, the threat of terrorism and the potentially damaging effects of war in Iraq. A further consideration is the impact of low‐budget airlines.

The purpose of this paper is to propose a model for the behaviors of consumers engaged in fan activity and test to see if that model simulates the movement of consumers among the proposed levels of fan behaviors.

Support for the proposed model is examined through the literature, a series of structured interviews with fans are evaluated using first qualitative, then quantitative methodologies for evidence of the hypothesized model.

The research indicates moderate support for the three‐level model first proposed by Hill et al.

Given the moderate support found for the model, further research could serve to offer stronger evidence, as well as to examine the extinguishing process by which a fan exits the subculture.

The research identifies members and levels of the fan subculture that marketing professionals should target when offering products and services aimed at those segments.

This paper tests a model which has previously only existed as a theory, utilizing methodologies that integrate qualitative and quantitative research.

Current business challenges force companies to exchange critical and sensitive data. The data provider pays great attention to the usage of their data and wants to control it by policies. The purpose of this paper is to develop usage control architecture options to enable data sovereignty in business ecosystems.

The architecture options are developed following the design science research process. Based on requirements from an automotive use case, the authors develop architecture options. The different architecture options are demonstrated and evaluated based on the case study with practitioners from the automotive industry.

This paper introduces different architecture options for implementing usage control (UC). The proposed architecture options represent solutions for UC in business ecosystems. The comparison of the architecture options shows the respective advantages and disadvantages for data provider and data consumer.

In this work, the authors address only one case stemming from the German automotive sector.

Technical enforcement of data providers policies instead of relying on trust to support collaborative data exchange between companies.

This research is among the first to introduce architecture options that provide a technical concept for the implementation of data sovereignty in business ecosystems using UC. Consequently, it supports the decision process for the technical implementation of data sovereignty.

There are conflicting views of the primary role of income inequality in economic development. Many expect that higher income shares at the top reflect substantial economic contributions while others think that these increases in top shares have not translated into higher economic growth. Recently, this debate has been reinvigorated by a new proposal: higher income inequality could hurt economic performance by decreasing future intergenerational mobility. We contribute to this debate by examining the relationship between intergenerational perceived job status mobility and past income inequality. We find a robust negative association of lagged income inequality with upward intergenerational job status mobility and a robust positive association of lagged income inequality with downward intergenerational job status mobility. In addition, we find that the quality of political institutions and religious fractionalization both contribute positively to job status mobility. Higher levels of past Gross Domestic Product (GDP) result in less upward job status mobility and more downward job status mobility.